Stand With Crypto projects 300-plus pro-crypto lawmakers

Daniel Okafor

More than 300 pro-crypto lawmakers are expected to serve in the incoming 120th Congress, according to Mason Lynaugh, executive director of the advocacy group Stand With Crypto, who said Friday its tally projects a sharp increase from roughly 96 members it classified as pro-crypto in 2023.

The group said its race tracker recorded victories for 29 of 45 endorsed candidates. Lynaugh also expects more than 60 newly elected pro-crypto lawmakers to join the cohort, which he said should be a central target for advocacy before the new Congress sets its legislative program.

What does the projected majority change?

Lynaugh described the expected composition as “a pro-crypto majority you could get excited about,” but cautioned that the chamber’s specific legislative agenda has not been fixed and that he does not yet know what legislation it will consider.

The headcount alone does not determine policy outcomes, and Stand With Crypto has not committed to a specific bill or vote. Its priority, Lynaugh said, is securing as many allies as possible in both the Senate and the House.

He also argued that lawmakers who listen to crypto advocates in their districts will represent that constituency in practice. That makes alliance-building, rather than a named bill, the group’s immediate congressional objective.

He based his argument on two pillars: the raw composition of Congress and evidence that crypto voters, a bloc he believes can now decide tight races, made themselves felt at the ballot box. The second claim rests on the group’s direct-contact campaigns and voter counts.

How close was Florida’s 9th District race?

In Florida’s 9th District, Representative Darren Soto won by roughly 1,400 votes. Stand With Crypto counts about 11,000 advocates in the district and ran phone-banking and door-to-door campaigns there.

Lynaugh said the organization genuinely believes crypto voters moved that result. He also said other contested districts had advocate counts larger than the winning margin, although he did not identify those districts.

The Florida comparison is the clearest evidence offered for the group’s voter-power argument: its local network exceeded the reported margin, and Lynaugh attributed the outcome to crypto voters. He also judged that hostility toward crypto-interested citizens carries little political upside.

According to Lynaugh, policy proposals directed at the crypto community after the election recognized that the bloc now exists. The group’s immediate objective is to engage more than 60 newly elected pro-crypto members.

How large is the group’s voter base?

Stand With Crypto counts more than 77,000 advocates in Ohio, and its national roster exceeds 3 million people. Lynaugh said few legislators can afford to ignore a constituency of that scale when they check the numbers for their own district or state.

At the same time, the group’s forecast remains a political projection tied to its own candidate tracking and advocacy data. It does not assign a legislative priority until the incoming chamber establishes its agenda.

What happens without a federal framework?

With no federal regulatory framework yet in place, Lynaugh expects state governments to carry more of the load. His group is already engaging at that level: its Arizona chapter engaged on pro-crypto bills in 2025, while its Texas chapter partnered with the Texas Blockchain Council to support adoption of a strategic Bitcoin reserve.

The near-term test is whether the projected bloc converts candidate outreach into legislative action. Until the 120th Congress specifies its agenda, Stand With Crypto’s practical focus remains alliance-building, voter contact and state-level engagement rather than support for a named federal bill.

The next legislative window opens when the 120th Congress sets its agenda; the group’s projected majority and 3 million-person roster will matter only if they produce specific commitments on federal legislation.